20 NOV 2025 | The Daily Times of Bangladesh
GHULAM MUHAMMED QUADER CHAIRMAN, JATIYO PARTY
Bangladesh is facing an exceptionally fragile moment in its political and economic path. A combination of rising unemployment, a worsening law-and-order environment, surging commodity prices and prolonged institutional uncertainty has created widespread distress across the country. Much of this turbulence has unfolded under the current Interim Government, formed after the July mass movement that brought Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus to the helm.
Instead of restoring confidence, the Interim Government has presided over an atmosphere marked by hesitation and instability. Reports indicate that foreign governments are increasingly reluctant to issue visas to Bangladeshi citizens, while discouraging their own nationals from travelling here, an extraordinary signal of eroding trust in the country’s internal situation. Many observers note that the government’s actions have deepened, rather than eased, national anxiety.
Many factories have been vandalised and burned. Hundreds are closed and are being shut on a regular basis. Currently, Bangladesh is experiencing a complete halt to both domestic and foreign investments. Development activities have been stalled. Foreign Funds approved for development projects are reportedly being repatriated. Consequently, existing employees are losing their jobs.
Law enforcement agencies are demoralised. They appear to be operating without clear direction.
Income of most people is decreasing while expenses are rising. The surge in commodity prices and inflation remains above the danger threshold. The prices of domestically produced goods, especially agricultural products, do not reach producers or farmers; they are forced to sell them at very low prices. Conversely, when the same products reach the city markets, consumers have to purchase them at excessively high prices. As a result, the number of starving and half-starved people is increasing. If this situation continues, it can be said that the country will very soon be ravaged by famine.
On July 1, 2024, the students started a movement for employment quota reform.
On July 3, 2024, I supported this movement in the National Parliament, stating, “This is not just about student quota reform; it is a struggle against systemic discrimination as a whole”. I also added, “specialty of people of this region (Bangladesh) is they never loose in their fight against discrimination. They continue their struggle till victory is achieved and for that they endure whatever sacrifice is needed. This time also people would do the same”.
The student quota reform movement transformed into a nationwide anti- discrimination movement involving both students and the general populace. Approximately 99% of the country’s population, regardless of political affiliation, participated in this struggle either directly or indirectly. Jatiyo Party (JP) was involved with the movement as a whole. Leaders and activists of the JP played an active role in supporting the movement throughout the country.
Finally, on August 5, 2024, this movement culminated successfully with the downfall of the previous Awami League (AL) government.
An interim government was formed. The Head of Government suddenly declared the movement’s student leaders as the appointing authority and guardians of his government. He inducted a few of them as members of his cabinet. The rest of the movement’s coordinators or their associates were granted authority to play an active role in all other ministries and governmental functions. Consequently, a segment of the student activists attained the highest level of power in running the country, acting as the guardian body to the government. The Head of Government described the movement as ‘meticulously designed’ or well-planned.
The JP was extending its full cooperation to the post-August 5th interim government. However, on October 7, 2024, two student coordinators Sarjis Alam and Hasnat Abdullah, suddenly labeled the JP an accomplice of the previous regime and stated that it had no right to engage in politics. They posted this status on their respective Facebook accounts.
Later, an advisor or minister-ranking official (Mahfuz Alam), who was introduced as the mastermind of the student movement, officially labeled JP as ‘accomplices’ (of previous government) and excluded JP from all political activities. Since then, JP has been completely and unjustly prevented from holding any meetings, assemblies, processions, or any form of political activity. JP is being obstructed in various ways.
Meanwhile, some student coordinators and participants in the movement have begun speaking out for themselves. Their statements have revealed that the students’ movement was not unarmed and non-violent. It has become known that the protesters were involved in killing and sabotage, often armed.
They made these statements while claiming sole credit for the movement’s success. A sole claimant was necessary because people from nearly all strata of society participated in the anti-discrimination movement for the sake of a fair election. They participated in the movement to form an accountable government through election and, subsequently, to establish a non- discriminatory society.
The students’ coordinators of the movement expressed their aim was not just for a fair election; they agitated for the formation of a completely new type of state structure. The outline they roughly described for that structure seemed to reflect a return to the kind of communal politics seen during Pakistan era.
It appeared, ideologies emerged there suggesting that Bangladesh’s Liberation War was a conspiracy by the neighboring country, that the freedom fighters were traitors, and that the very birth of Bangladesh was a mistake.
Now, it has also become clear that Jamaat- e-Islami (JI) and its student wing, Chhatra Shibir, were fully involved in this movement. They were present within the helmeted forces of the Chhatra League, among coordinators, and played an effective role as movement’s foot soldiers.
In an interview with BBC News Bangla, the Naib-e-Ameer of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher, stated as regards July mass uprising, “We played a fundamental role and were very conscious that it should not be revealed that this was a Jamaat-Shibir movement. We Wanted to give it a universal appearance……….”
On May 12, 2025, the activities of the Awami League were banned through an administrative order amending the law.
Now, JI and other communal parties are plotting to ban the Jatiyo Party and the 14-party alliance.
Essentially, a system is progressing where elections will be held between the ruling party and semi-governmental factions, effectively excluding the vast majority of the people- mirroring the structure of the previous government.
Consequently, if the election scheduled for next February under this government takes place, widespread violence and confrontation could erupt and continue before, during and after the polls.
The country is moving towards ruin. The sole path to recovery is political stability. A free, fair, neutral, and participatory election is the first prerequisite for political stability. The current interim government is moving in the opposite direction. The previous Awami League government brought the country to the brink; the current interim government has pushed it into the abyss. The less time that is wasted, the less damage the nation will incur. Therefore, I believe a change of government is imperative with minimal delay.
The only solution is a neutral caretaker government under whose supervision a free, fair, and impartial election be held, with the participation of all political parties.
(The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Daily Times of Bangladesh)
